Sunday, June 14, 2026

The Letter of Atticus to Euspychius - An AI into English

The Letter of Atticus to Euspychius - An AI Translation into English

M. Brière in an article for Revue de l'Orient Chrétien (Volume 29, 1933─1934, pp. 378─424) released the previously unpublished Letter to Eupsychius written by Patriarch Atticus of Constantinople [CPG 5655]. The letter is found in Syriac and Brière gave a French translation. This article uses AI to translate the French into English and provide greater access to the works of Atticus. This should by no means be taken and any French/Syriac speakers who could improve the translation would be much appreciated.

 The Letter

Introduction

To the pure and pious priest Euspychius. Atticus sends greetings in the Lord.

We have greatly thanked you for the opinion you had of us—namely, that we are able, concerning those questions about which some are in doubt, to bring forth understanding through an explanation. But what causes us suffering—and I am filled with every kind of sorrow because of it—is that your Church, pure and free from all tares, after such a long period of time, is now on the verge of being filled, through the introduction of perverse doctrines, with a seed of falsehood and a sprouting of impiety.

For I thought it was indeed very beneficial that those who have such doubts should carry out their way of life and carefully attend to their daily conduct, so that even if one of the actions commanded for attaining the perfect life were to slip away from them unfinished, it would not be fitting to make God the one who is not to be sought out—He who, by His power, has accomplished in His dispensation what He willed and as He willed.

Now, it is precisely what is difficult and obscure among them that these good fellows have taken it upon themselves to examine—and this without being learned—namely, how the immortal soul was joined to the mortal body: the invisible to the visible, the incorporeal to the corporeal, and this soul not coming to that union by its own will, but by the will of its Creator, having taken upon itself to love the doubt that lies in its nature. If this person or that person has not known or understood—walking as they do in the darkness of obscurity—how, as has been said, they dare with unclean feet to trample upon the subject of the terrible divinity and violently strive to force a new doctrine alongside the ordered simplicity of the Church. But that is enough concerning them.

Lest we appear, through having failed to find an explanation for the questions about which there is doubt or controversy, to have taken refuge in accusations about what has been said—concealing our knowledge because of the fear we feel toward subjects of this kind—we now take up the very chapters which, in your letter, were written to us for explanation.

At their head, on the one hand, this is what is said among the things you have quoted: "They say that, at the time of the Passion, God suffered with the body." And the second is this: "that it was the man without a soul that God became." And the third is this: "that it was not from holy Mary that He took the body, but rather—from elsewhere, whether He existed beforehand, or however those who had such audacity dared to say it, I do not know." This, then, is what those who minds are corrupted say and think within your Church.

Part 1

As for us, it is through the understanding granted by the grace of God that we speak on these questions, without taking pride in bringing forth anything born from the labor of our own mind. Far be it from us to state anything new concerning what is useful for establishing the truth! It is by walking in the footsteps of our Fathers that we speak without fear about what we too have learned. There is only one observation and one warning that we keep for ourselves and for those who question us: that we introduce nothing new into the faith.

These universal Fathers—who, in the days of the heretics, drove back the storm of trials and the swelling waves with great strength and vigor, who openly proclaimed the glory of their Lord before emperors, and who, after those evil times, rejoiced in the Church’s peace—said that Christ our Lord received, according to the flesh, both suffering and death, and in His divinity none of these things. Now perhaps it is fitting, as the explanation of the subject allows, that we approach the very beginning of the question.

What, then, is Christ? Is He God only? And if He was, how was He seen upon the earth? And how did He live among men? And in what manner did He sit at table with the publicans? And for what reason did He take upon Himself to eat, and did not refuse to drink, and willed Himself to sleep, and endured fatigue, and grew in stature, in wisdom, and in grace, and bore all the other things that appear to belong to the nature of the flesh and are known to pertain to Him.

On the other hand, is He only a man? And if so, how did He change water into wine? And how did the sea likewise receive His footsteps—the sea whose very nature is to be paralysed and weakened against bearing a man’s weight? And how was the bread multiplied by His Lordship, so that five thousand were satisfied and baskets were carried away by His apostles, each one of them bearing the miracle itself in the load he carried? And how, at a single command, did the underworld return Lazarus himself—after he had already begun to stink, he whom the passage of time had delivered to decay, and whose members were reunited by the grace of the One who called him?

We therefore see, from what has been said, that these things and those—divine operations and human operations—were united in Christ our Lord. This, then, is the true faith, the fitting and complete one: that we confess Christ to be God and man, that one and the same is God and man—God before the ages, and afterwards man. In that He was God, He was without suffering; and in that He was man, He became capable of suffering. For if He were subject to suffering as God, how would He give life to those who are in suffering? And if His divinity is passible, why was there any need for a passible body through which He might receive suffering? For the divinity—if, as these people say, was passible—could have suffered in place of humanity; and thus it would follow that He received death in His divinity alone. It is through the medium of passibility that Christ accomplished the economy, delivering over to suffering and death the passible body, while He Himself, in that He is God, remained in impassibility. This shining sun cast its rays upon things whose odor is repellent, and yet its rays do not take on their stench; rather, while it remains in its original purity, it brings help to those who receive its rays through the aid it gives, while it itself is in no way diminished by them.

And if this is so, how is it that the divine nature—an impassible nature, an incorporeal and incorruptible nature, a nature which nothing can approach, a nature whose very nature is not to suffer—how is it that, when he was seen in the world through the mediation of the body, not as he is God (for God is invisible) but as he is man, it was upon that nature that what befell the body he had taken was said to fall? And how is it that, instead of being himself impassible, he did not communicate his own impassibility to the one he had assumed? For this reason, indeed, death also is conquered, the resurrection anticipates the promise, and, when the doors are shut, the passible body—known by its three dimensions and attributed to length, breadth, and depth—enters. And how could this have happened if he had not passed from passibility to impassibility? And how could that divine nature have suffered, the nature which granted to the passible one the gift of not suffering? For if this did not belong to it, it would not give it to another whose nature is different.

One and the same, then, is God and man, the Word and the flesh, without having changed into something he was not; rather, he remained what he is, and he became what we ourselves are. When he receives suffering and death, it is not in what he is, but in what he has become. For if it were in what he was that he received suffering, he would have been passible beforehand. And the same applies to death as well, for suffering is the beginning of death. Therefore, he became what he was not previously, so that in what he was not previously he might die and rise again—that is, cause the resurrection.

And if you wish, accept the apostolic trumpet, the blessed Paul, as the interpreter of the questions that are in doubt. Tell us, O blessed Paul, why it is through the body that God the Word came into the world. He truly says that it is because of the sins of humanity and because of the fear of death that held our nature, and so that the promises made to the chief of the patriarchs, Abraham, might not remain unfulfilled—so that this covenant too would not be annulled and rendered ineffective, like the first one that was in the Law. For since the first covenant, which was written through the legislator Moses, was not ratified by the death of its author, it necessarily happened to it that it was not ratified and that it had no force. For as long as the one who made the covenant is alive, what he has written has no legal effect.

Now, because this is the time of the new covenant, and because it was fitting that God himself be the author of the covenant, while the manner of this undertaking presented a difficulty—namely, that the nature of the very one who makes the covenant does not receive death, and yet the validity of the covenant itself requires death—what, then, was this all‑wise one to devise? It is through the body that was assumed, and through the union of God the Word with the man who comes from Mary, that these two things are accomplished: so that when Christ—who from these two natures is one—was, in his divinity, the author of the covenant, he remained in the honor of the impassibility of his nature; and when, through his body, he also received death, he showed to all human nature his triumph over death by means of death. And this is what was said by the Apostle Paul: ‘He himself became the mediator of the new covenant, he who by his death became salvation for those who transgressed the first covenant, so that those who have been called to the eternal inheritance might receive the promise.’ And he said after this: ‘It is by death that a covenant is ratified, because as long as the one who made it is alive, it has no force. For where there is a covenant, it is the death of the one who made it that is established.’

For this reason, then, the Word became flesh: so that through his body he might receive death, because this could not happen in his divinity, since—as we have said above—he is immortal and impassible. And if he were not impassible, there would be no need for a body that receives sufferings, for behold, even before taking a body, such things would have suited him by nature. But because he is not passible, and because he was impassible—as indeed he still is—he became what he became, so that in what he became he might take upon himself our sin, and for our sake be in pains, offer his body and his cheeks to blows, and finally come to an ignominious death. And he is sown in dishonor so that he might rise again, he himself also, in glory, in order to bring the resurrection to completion for our race.

And otherwise, how shall we understand what was said by the Truth in the Gospel: ‘Destroy this temple’—that is, the body—‘and I will raise it up in three days’? What, then, is the one that is destroyed? The body that comes from the Virgin. And who is the one who raises it? The Word who comes from the Father. And if, as these people say, the Word also is passible, then he too has fallen together with the body. How, then, does he raise up the one who has fallen, if he himself has also fallen? There would then be need of another, a third, to raise up those who have fallen. But the Truth does not lie. Therefore, the body fell under the blow of sufferings; the divinity raises it, without what assailed the body having assailed it. What has fallen is not standing, for it would not have fallen if it were standing. The one who raises is not fallen, and otherwise he would not raise. But one and the same Christ fell as man, and raised up as God; he fell according to the lowly nature, and he raised from the fall according to the strong nature. And thus this saying is fitting: ‘Destroy this temple, and in three days I will raise it.’

And if, by seizing upon the Apostle’s words and stealing their meaning, when they use his authority in their arguments while remaining far from his intention, they still quote Paul when he says: ‘Had they known, they would not have crucified the Lord of glory,’ it has escaped them that they are deceiving themselves and that, in their foolishness, they do not understand the meaning of the Apostle’s thought.

For this blessed one, indeed, because he knows that the body is not mixed (with the divinity), but that it has been added to the divinity by virtue of the union… [Unfinished sentence, which is taken up again in the following paragraph ─ Briere's note.] For what is mixed is confused, so that its nature is no longer recognized or distinguished—just as wine, likewise, when mixed with water. But what comes into union does not take upon itself mixture or blending; and when it is added by virtue of union, it allows the natures to be recognized according to what belongs to each of them—just as gold, likewise, is added to copper without being mixed with it, and silver with tin. It is in this way that God also was added to the body, and he was not mixed with our body. Therefore Christ is one by virtue of the union, and the sufferings of the body are separate from the impassible divinity. And thus, indeed, he endured, as man, what belonged to man; and from there he accomplished, as God, what belonged to God, who is far removed from all the circumstances and conditions that belong to created beings, from all the labors that cause suffering, and from all human fears.

The Apostle, then, because he knows that Christ is one—as I have said—often seems simply to exchange the name flesh and place it in the position of the greatness of God the Word; and not only this, but—what is the opposite of that—he even uses the very name Jesus, which indicates the reality of the flesh. How, then, when speaking of him as flesh, does he say that he has ascended into heaven? And how, in the same way, does he also call him the Son of God, he who truly took upon himself the garment he devised in his love, by reason of the greatness of his wisdom? For he said: ‘Jesus, the Son of God, who has ascended into heaven.’ How, then, is Jesus, insofar as he is man, the Son of God, and this when he has risen above the heavens? Because this body, indeed, has obtained what is greater and higher than all humankind, having become a lyre and an instrument for the one who honored it and dwelt in it—that is, for God the Word. For this reason it has also obtained honors greater than its nature, and it is called—though it is not so by nature—what he is who received it, without its nature being mixed, but because it has been honored by grace. Therefore, when the Apostle says, ‘The Lord of glory was crucified,’ it is not by the mere name of glory that he makes those whose natures are different equal in name and nature; rather, it is this lowly nature that, because of the grace of that exalted nature, he honors with the name of glory.

For the wool taken from sheep, shorn from their backs like grass from a field, is all of the same value, and its common use belongs to everyone. But when the dye extracted from the shellfish of the sea has penetrated it, it is called purple; and when its name has been changed and its use reserved for kings—those to whom it alone is fitting—it both is and is not wool. For although its nature remains what it originally was, its use is no longer what it first was; it has fled from the simplicity that made it common, because of the greatness of the one who has clothed himself with it. In the same way, this body also, which was taken from universal human nature, because it became for Christ a royal mantle, has obtained the same glory that belongs to the one who clothed himself with it, even though its nature has not been changed. Therefore it is fitting that Christ is called ‘the Lord of glory’ even inasmuch as he is man—he who, according to his human nature, receives suffering, and whose ignominy is transferred to the one who has clothed himself with it as with a garment. For just as the one who tears the king’s purple garment receives punishment as though he had offended the king himself—although nothing harmful has happened to the king, and it is the suffering of his garment that he bears—so likewise, in the sufferings of the body, although God the Word remains impassible, he is considered to be involved through the ignominy of his own body.

For this reason Paul teaches us that Christ our Lord, insofar as he is man, is the Son of God. And before Paul, the archangel Gabriel, announcing the wondrous birth to the Virgin Mary herself, said: ‘Hail to you, full of grace; our Lord is with you. Behold, you will conceive and bear a Son, and his name shall be called Jesus. He will be great, and he will be called the Son of the Most High.’ Thus Jesus is called God, not because his body was changed into the divine nature, but because, through the union with God the Word, he received the name of the same glory.

And the blessed Paul, explaining the Gospel that had been entrusted to him, said that he had been set apart for the Gospel of God, which He had previously promised through His prophets concerning His Son; and he makes known who the Son is by saying: the one who was born according to the flesh from the lineage of the house of David. For although they are very bold, and the insult of their fury strikes them in the face, they still do not depart from what is fitting to such an extent as to say that it is as the Word that God the Word was born from the lineage of the house of David. And when this has been acknowledged, it is evident and certain that it is because of his corporeality that Paul says he was born according to the flesh from the lineage of the house of David, and that he is known to be one single Son. Thus, inasmuch as he is the Word, he is Son by nature; and inasmuch as he has clothed himself with the body, he has made known that it is through the union that our nature has shared in the glory of the divinity. Therefore, when the Apostle says, ‘The Lord of glory was crucified,’ he has not brought down that impassible nature to the level of the passible one; rather, it is this passible nature—because it is passible—that he has in view and that he calls the Lord of glory on account of the union.

Thus one of these questions has been explained briefly, and in a letter, for those who discern. As for the deceivers, whom neither Christ nor Paul, ‘the servant of Jesus Christ,’ nor the Gospels have persuaded—how could a lowly man, who is so far beneath them and unable to answer their dispute, persuade them? As for you, be watchful in all things.

Part 2

What is the second question that you said is raised by those for whom everything is easy, and who dare to say—because there is no understanding guiding their words—‘God the Word did not take a perfect man; rather, in place of the human soul, it was the divinity itself that dwelt in that body, performing the functions of the soul’?

You have measured the divinity with a small measure, O blasphemer. For if, where the soul is limited, the divinity—which is not limited—has also been limited, then you have made the Master equal to his servant. And if this is so, and if our Lord came into the world to save it, then his salvation is not a complete salvation but a half‑salvation: for the body has been saved, since it was assumed, while the soul, which has been despised, has remained in its state of perdition.

What, in fact, is man? A rational and mortal animal. Of what is man composed? Of soul and body. What is the cause of God’s coming according to the flesh? The sin committed by our nature. From where does sin come? From desire, which desired what was not permitted. Who is the one who desired? That man who was formed first. With what did he desire—soul or body? Desire does not belong to the body but to the soul. For choosing the pleasure of the body belongs to the soul; and carrying out everything chosen through the soul happens by means of the body. This first man received the command not to touch the tree. He consented to touch the tree because he obeyed the Slanderer, who opposed the divine command. With what did he consent—body or soul? They themselves say it was with the soul, though they are full of boldness. And if it was with the soul that he consented, then it was with the soul that he was deceived; it was with the soul that he saw, among what he saw, that the tree was beautiful; it was with the soul that he desired. As for the body, it served the will of desire. And the condition of death came upon the head of our nature because of sin, and as our nature advanced, sin advanced together with it. For this reason, then, God came: to restore to life the one who had gone astray, to bring back the one who had perished, and to clothe again with the first honor the one who had gone out from paradise. If therefore, as these people say, he became flesh but did not take the soul—which was itself the cause of sin—not only has he accomplished only half a salvation, but his salvation is entirely useless, because he did not heal the root of the cause, and the body, which served sin, has been honored merely because it was assumed.

But because opportunities present themselves easily to wickedness, error never lacks its arrows, and the failure of persuasion, once it has occurred, overturns the words of truth by its great foolishness. For to folly God has added stupidity, so that when it conducts itself with scrutiny, it may not prevail over intelligence, which beforehand makes similar and harmonizes with one another the things that require examination.

They say, then: ‘The Word became flesh and dwelt among us; and if the Word became flesh, how was the soul also taken?’ Let them learn, first, that the body—or the body without a soul—is not called flesh, but body; and second, that it is precisely the body that is not deprived of the soul that governs it which is rightly called flesh. This is why the Word is also called flesh. God said: ‘My Spirit shall not remain in man forever, because he is flesh’—not because the men of that time had no soul, but because they had subjected the primacy of the soul to the passions of the body by obeying evil desires.

Thus the blessed Paul also calls the man who is in the flesh, the man of the soul, and the man of the spirit, showing that under these three designations there are, within the same nature, different aspects of conduct. He calls the man who is in the flesh the one who wallows in the desires of the body and imitates the pig, just as he also said elsewhere: The mind of the flesh is an enemy toward God. And he then called the man of the soul the one who remains within his own reasoning alone, who does not think that anything exists beyond his own understanding, and who, because of the pride of his error, believes that within his knowledge he contains all the beauty and adornment of what is seen and what is unseen.

And he called the man of the spirit the one who conducts himself according to faith and according to grace, and who—because God has given him an authority that extends over all things—is led to the knowledge of many things. Thus the man who is in the flesh is also a man according to his nature, although he is not so according to his spirit. And the man of the soul is a man according to his nature, although he is not so according to his faith. And the man of the spirit is a man, even though it may happen that he is elevated in his conduct. Therefore, when the Evangelist said, ‘The Word became flesh,’ he said that He became man, and that He also became, from man, that which is more lowly than the whole man, in order to show—through the depth of sin—the height of mercy. So if God is impassible—as He truly is, and as Scripture itself has shown—and if the body without the soul is without sensation, what is it that suffered? And where is what the Apostle declared: Christ suffered in the flesh? He said in the flesh, not in His divinity; and man is called flesh in a humble manner of speaking. But when those who are jealous for their own salvation wish to show that the divinity itself is passible, they say, instead of the soul, that God Himself dwells in a mortal body, adding in truth this dreadful thing about Him: that He feared at the hour of death, just as the refusal of the cup and the rest of the other words which He spoke as man—teaching human beings, introducing them into an excellent doctrine, and showing how man himself must conduct his life with justice.

What, then, did God the Word do when He came to us according to the flesh? It is as though He made an exchange with us, and through this exchange He proclaims His mercy and makes known that our nature has ascended to the heavens; and He uses this exchange in this world just as in a marketplace. He received from us the body that belongs to our nature, and He gave us His own Spirit, since He willed that both elements should remain, on both sides, in that which signifies them. What indicates the body? Sufferings and death. And what indicates His Spirit that is among us? Strength and patience in relation to sufferings. He willed that these elements be preserved in the exchange that took place between Him and us. He gave the Spirit as a breathing forth upon the persons of His disciples, and He said: ‘Receive the Holy Spirit.’ And to those who received Him He said: ‘Do not fear those who kill the body.’ 

He took the body and He experienced fear, in order to show the passibility of the body, wishing to make His economy according to the flesh clearly manifest. He did not fear in Himself, in what belongs to Him—for He does not possess suffering—but in what belongs to us, and which came to Him as a result of the exchange He received from us. And for us as well, when we are strengthened at the hour of death, our strength does not belong to our nature, but to the grace that comes from Him, who has given us what is higher than our nature through the exchange that took place openly. Thus He, for His part, has His fear outside the nature of His divinity, and we, for our part, have our strength outside the nature of our humanity. We are therefore strengthened by what belongs to Him, and He also feared by what belongs to us. And if you assign to each side what belongs to its own nature, then He would be perpetually shaken. For although a man is strengthened before the combat of death, nevertheless, at the very approach of death, he is terrified. This is also why human beings founded cities, surrounded themselves with walls, fashioned weapons of every kind because of the assaults of other men or of their cruel nature, and clothed their bodies—exposed to many sufferings—with these protections. And nature has devised a great number of inventions and armed itself with them because of the fear it experienced.

And if there is someone who is bold and firmly established in his rule, like Peter—though that rule itself is from God—yet if he has used it thoughtlessly or excessively, he too truly denies, like Peter or following his example, because of fear. And not only does he deny, but he does so three times, and he adds oaths. And after the foreknowledge of what had been said about his cowardice was fulfilled, he obtains mercy through repentance. For because Peter had twice eagerly promised that he would die with his Lord, it was three times that, through his denial, his resolve was shipwrecked, so that by this he might learn not to contradict God and not to place confident trust in himself with rash eagerness.

This is why Christ also prays and refuses death, even though it was not from Himself that He feared. Far from it! For how could He have refused death—He who called Peter ‘Satan’ when Peter rose up against the economy of His death, and who called the cross a cup, because He said to the sons of Zebedee: ‘Can you drink the cup that I am going to drink, and be baptized with the baptism with which I am baptized?’ He calls death itself a baptism, and the cross a cup. For just as drink is pleasant to those who thirst, so also for our Lord Christ, who thirsted for death on our behalf, the drink of death was sweet. And if this is so, how could He have feared death? If it is not so, then when He nevertheless wishes to teach us not to place ourselves needlessly in the face of danger when the help of God is not present, and not to allow ourselves, with boldness, to enter into difficult situations, He also corrects Peter, who in his zeal was inflamed with eagerness for his promise, by predicting what was going to happen.

And He Himself also, at the moment when the cohort of the Jews was about to seize Him, left nine of His disciples outside the garden, and He brought into the garden their leaders, namely Peter, James, and John. And He also withdrew from them, about a stone’s throw away, knelt down, and prayed, saying: ‘My Father, if it is possible, let this cup pass from me!’ There was no one there to hear, and no one to listen to what was said in the prayer. For nine of the disciples were far off, outside the garden; and inside the garden, the three were plunged into a deep sleep. As for Him, He was at a distance from them, about a stone’s throw. Who, then, told the disciples the words of the prayer? And who instructed the Evangelists to write these words in their Gospels? No one except He Himself, after He returned from the prayer. And when He returned, He said to them—reproaching them for having slept and speaking thus: "‘Why were you not able to watch for even one hour? Watch and pray, so that you may not enter into temptation’—you, and not I. It is for this reason that I prayed: to lay down for you the rule that you must pray, and the manner in which you must pray. For just as I ate—not according to what I am, but according to what I became—accepting to show the use of the body that comes from you, not according to My nature but according to your nature, and accepting everything that belongs to human beings, not because of My nature but because of you, in order to hand down to you a pure way of life, so I also prayed, in order to show through My sufferings the fear that comes from you, and so that you may look toward God when you lack strength and courage in the presence of danger. This is why I also say to you: ‘The spirit desires and is ready, but the body is weak’; the one who is in the flesh—that one is weak; but if he is of the spirit, fear does not come near him."

You have also received for yourself the solution to this question in a complete manner, as I see it. From now on we shall present publicly, and likewise resolve, this third question that they raise.

Part 3

What is it they say: ‘It is not from Mary, as you have written, that God the Word took the body, but from somewhere else’? Let them then say from where, and how, and in what manner! And if they say that He took a perfect man, why was there any need for the mediation of the Virgin? And if he was not perfect, how was he born? And how was he constituted? Barrenness and virginity—the prophet comes from the barren woman, and God comes from the Virgin—are two wonders standing side by side, though they are not alike. For the one is barren and advanced in years, and the other knows neither husband nor marriage. The one, like a temple, conceives the prophet; the other, like the heavens, receives God. Such is the case, according to the knowledge of the One who dwells within. In the womb is the prophet, and in the womb is the Christ.

There is only one being who announces both events. And who is he? The archangel Gabriel, who announced to Zechariah, inside the temple, the birth of John, and who announces to the Virgin herself the birth of the John's Lord. There, it is Zechariah; here, it is Joseph. And why did he not make the announcement to both men in the same way, rather than not doing so? Why did he not likewise make the announcement to the women? Yet he did not do this. Instead, he made the announcement there to Zechariah, and here to the Virgin. He did both things according to a great rule and according to the law of nature. For where it is the husband who is the cause of the one who is born, it is the husband who, as father, receives the promise; and where there is a husband, but he does not perform what belongs to a husband, it is to the Virgin—through the power of God that comes upon her—that the announcement of the birth is revealed, and of the birth of the child who is not subject to the law of nature. Because of this, she receives the announcement far from the husband; for she is entirely alone and does not know what marriage is. And these things have been stated thus; will those who examine the words understand them otherwise than as they wish?

And after this announcement of Gabriel, the one who is Virgin and mother meets the one who is barren and mother; and she greets her with the customary greeting which, once it entered her ears, stirred up the prophet himself—who was hidden—to make himself known, so that the mother herself, because of the child she carried, might be able to say, in greeting the Virgin: ‘You are blessed among women, and the fruit of your womb is blessed,’ as she calls fruit of the Virgin’s womb the child Jesus. And how do you doubt, O man, from where the body of our Lord comes, as though you did not know, when you yourself hold the cause: ‘You are blessed among women, and the fruit of your womb is blessed?’

And she does not stop there. But after this she says: ‘Who has granted me that the mother of my Lord should come to me?’ And the prophet, through his mother, names as his Lord the One who was hidden in the Virgin’s womb, and the barren woman calls God the One who was in the Virgin’s bosom. How do you know that He is the Lord? ‘For when the word of your greeting fell into my ears, the child leaped in my womb with great joy.’ He leaped—very well; leaping belongs to nature. But how do you know that he also leaped with joy? For that is something that requires proof.

So the body of our Lord does not come from some other place, nor does it exist merely as an apparition, as it has pleased some of the deniers to claim. For if it were a hallucination, how would it grow within the Virgin’s womb? Or how would Simeon, according to the promise of the Spirit, have taken the child into his hands and said: ‘Now, my Lord, you let your servant depart in peace, according to your word’? And how also does the prophetess Anna praise God while prophesying? And whom were the shepherds glorifying during their night watches? And whom were the angels singing in their ranks, saying: ‘Glory to God in the highest, and peace on earth’? Or how is an eight‑day‑old apparition circumcised? Or how does an apparition grow in stature, in wisdom, and in grace?

And how, moreover, would the rest of the whole matter of the sufferings have found any place in one who is a mere apparition? And in what manner, after the resurrection, were the nail‑holes in His hands, the scars, and the place of the spear in His side recognized by those who had doubts about Him and were strengthened? Nails do not pierce apparitions; an apparition has no side, and it does not allow itself to be pierced by a spear. But our salvation does not come from an apparition; the economy is in truth. And the One who lived became our nature, because He truly shared in our nature—He who by His own nature was far removed from it.

Imagination and spider’s web—such indeed are the words of those who dare to say such things. For the body that comes from the holy Virgin is not an apparition, and it is not without a soul. Rather, in Him there is intelligence, and in Him there is a soul. And the human being is perfect, and it is entirely the human being who sinned and transgressed the commandment in Paradise, with the rational soul—which belongs to the intelligence—and who did not first receive sin through the body once, but through the mediation of the soul. For indeed, it is the thought that was corrupted by seduction, and it is thought that received disobedience—Paul has testified to this when he says: ‘I fear that, just as the serpent deceived Eve by his cunning, so your thoughts may be corrupted and drawn away from the simplicity that is toward Christ.’ What, then, was corrupted? The thought. And because it was the thought that was taken captive, it is that which has been delivered from corruption. And let no one speak foolishly or rise up against the Father, the Son, and the Holy Spirit! Let no one divide the economy, nor call it imperfect or contrary to the economy; for a severe punishment is laid upon those who, through their wicked disputation, despise the works of God, while crowns are reserved for those who accept, according to faith and according to the mind of true religion, the Scriptures and the traditions of our holy Fathers. As for you, may you be kept safe and in good health for us in our Lord, by the grace of God, O our pious brother!

End of the Letter

Saturday, September 20, 2025

The Bishops who agreed to Ephesus and Chalcedon ─ Oriental Orthodox Veneration

The Bishops who agreed to Ephesus and Chalcedon ─ Oriental Orthodox Veneration

Veneration of the Bishops at the Council of Ephesus 431
The Council of Ephesus (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:EcumenicalCouncil_3rd_09-07.jpg)

The Oriental Orthodox Church venerates the 200 bishops who attended Ephesus in 431. This is shown by the official Synaxaria of the Oriental Orthodox Churches. 

The Coptic Synaxarium commemorates on the 9th of Hator the "318 fathers assembled at Nicea" but does not positively identify the fathers as bishops {CopticChurch.net, 'Commemorations for Hator 9'}. The Coptic Synaxarium on the 1st of Amshir commemorates the "one hundred and fifty fathers" of the Second Ecumenical Council, but also does not positively identify the 150 fathers as bishops {CopticChurch.net, 'Commemorations for Amshir 1'}.

The Coptic Synaxarium on Tout 12th, however, does equate the 200 fathers of Ephesus as the bishops. The Synaxarium states:

On this day of the year 431 A.D., the Holy Council at Ephesus which was attended by 200 bishops was convened. It was the third of the Ecumenical Councils. That was in the twentieth year of the reign of Theodosius II, son of Arcadius, son of Theodosius the Great. They assembled because of the heresy of Nestorius who was Archbishop of Constantinople. He believed that St. Mary did not give birth to the incarnated God, but only to a human being, and that afterwards the Son of God dwelt in him, not the dwelling of unity but just the dwelling of will, and therefore, Christ because of that reason, had two natures and two wills. So these fathers convened, debated with Nestorius, and proved to him that He, who was born of the Virgin, was the incarnated God, as the angel said, "The Lord is with you; that Holy One who is to be born will be called the Son of God." (Luke 1: 28-32) And according to the saying of Isaiah, "Behold a virgin shall conceive and bear a son, and shall call his name Emmanuel," (Isaiah 7:14) and also, "His name shall be called Wonderful, Counselor [sic], the Mighty God, the Everlasting Father" (Isaiah 9:6) {CopticChurch.net, 'Commemorations for Tout 12'}.

That these two hundred bishops are considered to be continually saintly is attested by hymns that are chanted by the Coptic Church to this day. On the Sunday Midnight Praises, the Coptic Orthodox Church chants:

Pray to the Lord on our behalf, O the one hundred and fifty at Constantinople, and the two hundred at Ephesus, that He may forgive us our sins {Tabesha.org, 'Midnight Praises Sunday: The Commemoration of the Saints'}.

 Likewise, during the Anaphora of Saint Basil, we hear the Coptic Orthodox Church chanting:

O Lord, remember all the Saints who have pleased You since the beginning [...] the three hundred and eighteen assembled at Nicea; the one hundred and fifty at Constantinople; and the two hundred at Ephesus {Tabesha.org, 'St. Basil Anaphora: The Commemoration of the Saints'}.

Supporting the Copts in their veneration of the two hundred bishops is the Ethiopian Orthodox Church. The Ethiopian Synaxarion on the 12th of Maskaram says "And on this day took place the General Council of the Saints, two hundred bishops, in the city of Ephesus" {Budge, Book of Saints, Vol. 1, p. 44}. Whilst the Liturgy of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church says the following during the Preparatory Service:

May thy servants who serve on this day, the priest and the deacon and the clergy and all the people, and I myself they poor servant, be absolved and set free and cleansed out of the mouth[s] of the Holy Trinity [...] the one holy apostolic church [...] the fifteen prophets [...] the twelve apostles [...] the seventy-two disciples [...] the evangelist Mark [...] the honoured Patriarchs St. Severus and St. Dioscorus and St. Athanasius and St. John Chrysostom and St. Cyril and St. Gregory and St. Basil [...] the 318 orthodox that assembled in Nicaea [...] the 150 that assembled in Constantinople [...] and out of the mouths of the 200 that assembled in Ephesus to condemn Nestor[ius] {Daoud, tr., Liturgy, pp. 26─27}.

It is clear that the Oriental Orthodox Church venerates as holy men the two hundred bishops of Ephesus.

The Bishops who were Members of the Council of Ephesus

The next question to ask is who are these bishops. In contrast to Nicaea and Constantinople, which did not have signature lists, Ephesus did. 

The session of June 22 lists 197 bishop signatures who consented to the deposition of Nestorius on the grounds of heresy {Price and Graumann, trs., Ephesus, p. 291}. When we add the three Roman legates of Arcadius, Projectus, and Philip, who arrived at the session of July 10 we get the neat number of 200 bishops perfectly according with the contemporary veneration of 200 bishops (Arcadius and Projectus were bishops in their own right, whilst Philip represented Pope Celestine) {Price and Graumann, trs., Ephesus, p. 398}.

However, contemporary sources list that there were more than 200 bishops in attendance. Writing during the council, Cyril notes that the Council of Ephesus had "over two hundred holy bishops in number" {McEnerney, tr., Letters 51─110, p. 149}. The Third Report from the Council to Emperor Theodosius mentions that the council had "210 holy bishops" {Price and Graumann, trs., Ephesus, p. 404}.

This means that the number of bishops at Ephesus range from 200 to 210 bishops. 

By the time that Chalcedon came around in 451, most of the bishops that attended Ephesus had died. Yet some bishops who were a part of the council of Ephesus attended Chalcedon and accepted the decrees of that council. 

The following list from Ephesus is that of the signatures of the session of June 22, and that of Chalcedon is taken from the signatures of the Sixth Session that agreed to the definition of Chalcedon {Price and Graumann, trs., Ephesus, pp. 280─291; Price and Gaddis, trs., Chalcedon, Vol. 2, pp. 217─239}. These bishops attended both councils and accepted both councils. The number in brackets gives the signature order that the bishop was accorded in signing during the session.

Juvenal of Jerusalem [Ephesus (2), Chalcedon (6 / 115)]
Amphilochius of Side [Ephesus (9), Chalcedon (21 / 257)
Nicias of Megara [Ephesus (27), Chalcedon (230 / 25)]
Docimasius of Maronea in Rhodope, Thrace [Ephesus (28), Chalcedon (229 / 13)]
Eusebius of Clazomenae [Ephesus (63), Chalcedon (179 / 219)]
Paul of Anthedon [Ephesus (98), Chalcedon (79 / 119)]
Natiras of Gaza [Ephesus (99), Chalcedon (76 / 132)]
Callinicus of Apamea [Ephesus (159), Chalcedon (136 / 236)
Thomas of Valentinianopolis [Ephesus (187), Chalcedon (185 / 218)]
Eudoxius of Choma in Lycia [Ephesus (196), Chalcedon (340 / 265)]
Aristocritus of Olympus [Ephesus (197), Chalcedon (NA / 264) 

Hieracis of Aphnaeum [Ephesus (139)] and Isaac of Tava [Ephesus (195)] attended Chalcedon and accepted its decisions, but they claimed that they could not give written assent to the council without a new Pope of Alexandria appointed and signing before them. They said "let us have an archbishop, and we shall sign and assent" to the definition of Chalcedon {Price and Gaddis, trs., Chalcedon, Vol. 2, p. 152}. 

In total, we have 13 bishops who attended Ephesus and Chalcedon and agreed with both councils. Amphilochius might be an exception. It is said that after the council of Chalcedon that he recanted of his adherence to it, yet he may have eventually returned to agreeing with it, with Photius recording that he did so {Lightfoot, 'Amphilochius', p. 25; Photius, Bibliotheque, ed. and tr. by Henry, p. 55}.

It seems therefore that the Oriental Orthodox Church venerates as saints those that accepted the very council they fundamentally reject. 

Bibliography

Budge, E. A. Wallis, The Book of the Saints of the Ethiopian Church, Volume 1 (Cambridge: 1928)

CopticChurch.net, 'Commemorations for Amshir 1'

'Commemorations for Hator 9'

'Commemorations for Tout 12'

Daoud, Marcos, tr., The Liturgy of the Ethiopian Church (London: 2005)

Lightfoot, 'Amphilochius (2)', in Henry Wace and William Coleman Piercy, eds., Dictionary of Christian Biography and Literature (London: 1911)

McEnerney, John I., St. Cyril of Alexandria: Letters 51─110 (Washington, D.C.: 2007)

Photius, Bibliotheque, ed. and tr. by Rene Henry, Vol. 5 (Paris: 1991)

Price, Richard, 

and Michael Gaddis, trs., The Acts of the Council of Chalcedon, Volume 2 (Liverpool: 2005)

and Thomas Graumann, trs., The Council of Ephesus of 431: Documents and Proceedings (Liverpool: 2022) 

Tabesha.org, 'Midnight Praises Sunday: The Commemoration of the Saints'

'St. Basil Anaphora: The Commemoration of the Saints

Monday, August 25, 2025

Oriental Orthodox Saints who Accepted Chalcedon [Updated 30th April, 2026]

Oriental Orthodox Saints who Accepted the Council of Chalcedon

A Note on the Oriental Calendars 

Ethiopian

The Ethiopian Synaxarium is based on the MSS. British Musuem Orient 660 [dated 1654], and 661 [dated 1655] and can be found in Budge's The Book of the Saints

Syriac

For the Syriac Menologions, I use the ones found Graffin and Nau, Patrologia Orientalis, Volume 10. The following MSS. are employed by me: Paris Syriac 146 (17th cent) [MS. A], Vatican Syriac 69 (A.D. 1547) [MS. B], and British Library Add. 17232 (10-11th cent).

That Paris Syriac 146 and Vatican Syriac 69 are Oriental Orthodox is shown by the veneration anti-Chalcedonians. Examples include Patriarch Severus of Antioch {PO, Vol. 10, p. 71}, John of Tella {PO, Vol. 10, p. 71}, Philoxenus of Mabbug {PO, Vol. 10, p. 72}, Dioscorus of Alexandria {PO, Vol. 10, p. 85}

There is also the Martyrology of Rabban Silba that dates to the 13-14th centuries. This is found in Analecta Bollandiana, Volume 27 (1908)

The Malankara prelate Cor-Episcopo K. Mani Rajan published a one-volume book of saints venerated in the Syriac Orthodox Church. This book received the imprimatur from Patriarch Ignatius Aphrem II of Antioch. This provides a contemporary look at Chalcedonian saints venerated by the Oriental Orthodox.

Armenian

The Armenian Synaxarium is based on Bayan's version found in multiple volumes of Graffin and Nau's Patrologia Orientalis. Bayan's text is based on two manuscripts, A & B. Bayan believed that A (Paris Arm. 180) was that of Ter Israel (hence why his Synaxarion is called the Synaxarion of Ter Israel) but it actually is that of Kirakos and dated to 1269. B is the Synaxarion that was printed in Constantinople in 1834, with the text itself coming from a version of the Synaxarion commissioned ca. 1287 by the future Catholicos of Armenia, Grigor VII {Brock, 'Armenian Synaxarion', p. 393}.

The Catholicos of Armenia Grigor VII (1293─1307) held to a Chalcedonian persuasion and harmonized the Armenian Synaxarion with Greek and Latin versions. This Synaxarion, wrongly introduced as that of Ter Israel, has become the Textus Receptus in the Armenian Church, and was unaffected by the liturgical reforms undertaken by Catholicos Simeon Erewanits'i between 1770 & 1775 {Terian, 'Earliest Edition', p. 7}.

The Saints

Empress Eudocia

Empress Eudocia was the wife of Emperor Theodosius II. After being accused of adultery, she moved to Jerusalem and pursued a devoutly religious life, sponsoring much of the religious activity of Jerusalem. After the Council of Chalcedon, she intially (under the guidance of a monk named Theodosius) sponsored anti-Chalcedon activity in the region of Palestine. This she did for some time, until she was convinced by the Chalcedonian monk Euthymius to "accept the definition issued by the Ecumenical Council that lately gathered at Chalcedon" {Price, tr., Cyril, p. 45}. 

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 5, p. 369 (3rd Navasard = 13th August) [MSS. A + B]

Simeon the Stylite

(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Saint_Simeon_Stylites_the_Elder_(1664_icon).jpg)

Simeon the Stylite is a revered saint in the Chalcedonian and Oriental Orthodox Churches, and is claimed by both to have either supported or condemned Chalcedon.

Three Lives of Symeon have come down to us:
  • The Life by Theodoret of Cyrus
  • The Life by Simeon's disciple, Antonius
  • The Life by an anonymous Syriac writer
None of these lives give us Simeon's attitude to Chalcedon. Theodoret perhaps wrote his Life of Simeon prior to Chalcedon; writing after would imply that Simeon was a dyophysite, for why would Theodoret endorse someone who condemned and rejected Chalcedon as a great saint of the Church? The Anonymous Syriac Life is seemingly from a Chalcedonian perspective given that it refers to Emperor Leo as "the Christian [and] beliv[ing]" emperor {Doran, tr., Lives of Simeon, p, 194} gives no clear expression of Symeon endorsing Chalcedon. The Life by Antonius ignores Chalcedon and the fallout as well.

The silence of the Lives on the issue is interesting. Were they attempting to cover Simeon's anti-Chalcedonian beliefs by omission? Did they fear that his pro or anti Chalcedonian beliefs could be condemned by the Church universal in the coming years and would hence completely ruin the great ascetic's reputation? Or was Simeon's Chalcedonian belief a minor point in his attitude and life?

An argument used to suggest that Simeon rejected Chalcedon is his relationship with the Syrian Monk Barsauma. This monk, who actively opposed Chalcedon, had a Life of his own written about him. According to the Life of Barsauma, Simeon had a conversation with an angel who told him that a man of greater holiness was approaching:

The angel of the Lord appeared to [Simeon] in the night, saying: “Why do you think that you are the most excellent of the righteous? No one on earth in this generation can compete for righteousness with Barsauma, who lives on a high mountain on the frontier with Armenia. {Palmer, Life of Barsauma, pp. 36─37}

The two then meet. Interestingly, no words of Barsauma to Simeon are recorded, but Simeon's praise for Barsauma is recorded:

When Barsauma was about to enter the enclosure through the gate, the righteous Simeon stretched out his two arms to welcome him. Then Simeon lifted up his voice and cried out: “Welcome, servant of the living God! Blessed was your departure and blessed is your return! Praise to Christ who heeded my sinful voice and deemed me worthy to see your face!” {Palmer, Life of Barsauma, p. 47}

Barsauma is not mentioned in any of the Lives of Simeon. The scholar Matti Moosa refers to an unpublished MS. of the Life of Simeon that supposedly mentions Barsauma, but it seems that Moosa made a mistake in taking the engagements between Barsauma and Simeon in the Life of Barsauma and confused the two {Menze, "Introduction", p. 12, n. 41}. The engagements between Barsauma and Simeon only occur in the Lives of Barsauma; the Lives of Simeon make no reference to Barsauma. This points towards the idea that Simeon's interactions with Barsauma are a fiction intended to bolster the holiness of Barsauma. 

Nevertheless, even assuming that the accounts given in the Life of Barsauma are authentic, this would not prove that Simeon was anti-Chalcedonian. All the interactions betwen Simeon and Barsauma occur before the Council of Ephesus in 449, with no interaction between the two after the Council of Chalcedon. The silence of the Life of Barsauma is interesting. It could be because the author of the Life of Barsauma was hearing reports (if the Life of Barsauma was written when Simeon was alive) that Simeon had accepted Chalcedon, he could then have fabricated the angelic visitations and the interactions between Simeon and Barsauma to promote Barsauma over Simeon in holiness and thus Anti-Chalcedon over Chalcedon; if the interactions between the two were genuine, then the author of the Life of Barsauma could still have been ignoring the reports that Simeon had accepted Chalcedon. The words that Simeon spoke to Barsauma could easily have been hyperbolic words of praise from ascetic to another who travelled to meet with him.

Three letters have come down in Syriac that purport to be from Simeon in which he explicitly condemns Chalcedon. However, it would appear that the letters are forgeries created by Miaphysites eager to recruit Simeon to their side, as Torrey argued in 1899 {Torrey, 'The Letters of Simeon the Stylite'}. Supporting Torrey is Paul Naaman who says that the second of the letters (the one to Mar Jacob") is a "forge[ry] by the Monophysites" {Naaman, The Maronites, p. 77}. Backing Torrey are Moreschini and Norelli, who claim that the letters are "Monophysite forgeries produced in an effort to appropriate the cult of Simeon for Monophysite purposes" {Moreschini & Norelli, Early Christian Literature, Vol. 1, p. 664}. In addition is Nicosia, who writes that "as convincingly argued by Torrey, these letters were forged by the Miaphysites to claim this monk as a representative member of their party and to contrast the belief that he accepted Chalcedon" {Nicosia, 'In the Pipeline', p. 158}.

In contrast to to the forged letters, Torrey gives reasons that push Simeon towards the Chalcedonian camp that are to be found in his article. They appear to me to be sound in pushing forward Simeon's acceptance of Chalcedon.

The lack of clear Chalcedonian or Anti-Chalcedonian views taken by Simeon after Chalcedon in the sources hints that Simeon was not a fervent or perhaps even clear advocate of one side of the other. It is easy to see that this ascetic monk, heartbroken at the division caused by Chalcedon, could choose to distance himself from the debate and focus on his own salvation. That being said the evidence, in my eyes, points towards Simeon accepting Chalcedon, despite himself not being a clear or enthusiastic proponent of it.

Daniel the Stylite

(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Spas_na_Ilyine_-_Stylite_Daniel.jpg)
The Life of Daniel relates that Daniel was a supporter of the council of Chalcedon. He famously stepped down from his pillar and went into the city of Constantinople to protest against the Emperor Basilicus' Encyclical that condemned Chalcedon. 
Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 18, p. 22 (3rd of Kalotz = 11th of December) [MSS. A + B]
Syriac: PO, Vol. 10, pp. 68 (11th December) [MS. Paris Syr. 146] <Patriarch Meletius, and Daniel>, 116 (11th December) [MS. 17232] <Saint Daniel>; Rajan, Martyrs, pp. 121─123 (11th December)
Constantinopolitan: Le Typicon, Vol. 1, p. 129 (11th December) [MSS. P & H] <Daniel the Stylite>
Jerusalem: Le Calendrier, p. 109 (11th December) 

Theodosius the Cenobiarch

Theodosius declared: "If anyone does not accept the four councils [Nicaea, Constantinople, Ephesus, Chalcedon] like the four Gospels, let him be anathema" {Price, tr., Cyril, p. 161}
Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 19, pp. 20─21 (4th of Aratz = 11th of January) [MSS. A + B]

Sabas the Sanctified

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., Vol. 16, p. 167 (27th of Tre = 5th of December) [MSS. A + B]

Emperor Justin [?]

Syriac: Analecta Bollandiana, Volume 27, p. 187 (9th of July)

The Martyrology of Rabban Silba commemorates on the 9th of July "Emperor Justin", who was a Chalcedonian Christian. It may be a mistake for Emperor Anastasius who died on the 8th of July and rejected Chalcedon as an Ecumenical Council. The later Syrian Menologia commemorate Anastasius on July 8th {PO, Vol. 10, p. 81} 

Euthymius the Great

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 19, pp. 62─63 (13th of Aratz = 20th of January) [MSS. A + B]

Theoctistus

Associate of Euthymius the Great.
Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 5, p. 488 (24th of Navasard = 3rd of September) [MS. B]

Romanos the Melodist

According to Andrew Louth "The Christology of the kontakia of Romanos is Chalcedonian" {Louth, 'Christology', p. 144}.
Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 6, p. 328 (25th of Hori = 4th of October) [MSS. A + B]; SacredTradition.am <Բարեխօսութեամբ սրբոցն Գէորգայ քաջամարտիկ զօրավարին, Ադոկտոսի եւ Ռոմանոսի երգեցողին աղաչեմք զՔեզ / By the intercession of the holy ones — George the valiant warrior‑martyr, Adoktos, and Romanos the chanter — we beseech You.>

Benedict of Nursia

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 188─190 (13th of Areg = 21 of March) [MSS. A + B]

Pope Agapitus I

The account given by the Armenian Synaxarion says that Agapitus had "divine doctrine" which "completely anathematised Severus of Antioch".
Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 320─322 (12th of Ahekan = 19th of April) [MSS. A+B].

John the Silent

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 458─462 (8th of Mareri = 15th of May) [MSS. A + B]

Simeon the Stylite the Younger

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 495─501 (19th of Mareri = 26th of May) [MSS. A + B]

Patriarch John IV "The Faster" of Constantinople

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 5, pp. 478 (23rd of Navarsard = 2nd of September) [MS. A] & 482─483 [MS. B] (23rd of Navasard = 2nd of September)

Pope Gregory I "The Dialogist" of Rome & Emperor Justinian

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 159─162 

Pope John V "The Almsgiver" of Alexandria

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 16, pp. 12─16 (3rd of Tre = 11th of November) [MSS. A + B]
Eithiopian: Budge, Vol. 1, pp. 250─251 (16th of Kedar = 12th of November).

Gregory of Agrigento

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 16, pp. 85─106 (15th of Tre = 23rd of November) [MSS. A + B]

Theodore of Sykeon

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 328─335 (15th of Ahekan = 22nd of April) [MSS. A + B]

Maximus the Confessor
(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Maximus_Confessor.jpg)

Maximus taught that Jesus Christ was "in the duality of his natures" {DelCogliano, ed., Early Christian Writings, Vol. 4, p. 507}.

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 5, p. 369 (3rd of Navarsard = 13th of August) [MSS. A + B]
Syriac: PO, Vol. 10, pp. 70 (20th January) [MSS. Paris Syr. 146 + Vatican Syr. 69] <Maximus, Confessor>, 118 (20th January) [MS. 17232] <Maximus, Confessor>; Rajan, Martyrs, pp. 306─307.
Constantinopolitan: Le Typicon, Vol. 1, pp. 205 (21st January) [MS. OX] & 369 (13th August) [MSS. P & H]

Pope Martin of Rome

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 6, p. 242 (7th of Hori = 16th of September) [MS. B]

Eumenius of Gortyna

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 6, p. 255 (9th of Hori = 18th of September) [MS. B]

The Saving of the City of Constantinople during the reign of Heraclius

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. (2nd of Avelats = 7th of August) [MS. B]

Sophronius of Jerusalem

"[I] teach that Christ is in two natures" {Allen, ed. and tr., Sophronius, p. 97}.
Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. 64 (11th of Maheki = 17th of February) [MS. B]

Germanus of Constantinople

Armenian: Griffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 434─436 (3rd of Mareri = 10th of May) [MSS. A + B]

John of Damascus

(https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:John_Damascus_(arabic_icon).gif)

John was a believer of Jesus Christ being in two natures: "we confess one Person of the Son of God incarnate in two natures that remain perfect"{Chase Jr., tr., Writings, p. 273}. He also fully upheld Chalcedon: "[The Monophysites] wrote many things against the inspired council of the 630 Fathers of Chalcedon" {Chase Jr., tr., Writings, p. 139}.

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 16, p. 164 (26th of Tre = 4th of December) [MS. B]

Eithiopian: Budge, Book of the Saints, Vol. 2, pp. 348─350.

Syriac: Rajan, Martyrs, pp. 243─235

Tarasius of Constantinople

"[Since I believe that Christ is] in two natures, I anathematize Eutyches, Dioscorus, and all their headless multitude, together with Severos, pursued by God, and the lawless Julian of Halicarnassus" {Price, tr., Nicaea, pp. 212─213}.

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. 94 (19th of Mehaki = 25th of February) [MS. B]

The Seventh Ecumenical Council

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 15, p. 302 (2nd of Samhi = 11th of October) [MSS. A + B]
All the fathers of Nicaea II were Chalcedonian. What is also important to notice is that it implies that the Councils of Chalcedon, Constantinople II, and Constantinople III are the fourth, fifth, and sixth ecumenical councils respectively.

Stephen the Monk of Constantinople 

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 19, p. 37 (7th of Aratz = 14th of January) [MS. B]

Stephen of Triglia

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 5, p. 488 (24th of Navarsard = 3rd of September) [MS. B]

Theophylact of Nicomedia

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. 140 (30th of Meheki = 8th of March) [MSS. A + B]

Luke the Stylite

The evidence for him being an adherent of Chalcedon comes from the Coptic Synaxarium. The Synaxarium says that the following happened after Luke's death. 

His disciple went and told the Patriarch about his departure. The Patriarch went with the priests, crosses and censors and came to where the body of the saint was. They carried him to Constantinople on the third day of his departure, with hymns and prayers, and they placed him in the sanctuary and that was on the 17th day of Kiahk. After they prayed on him the third day prayer and the believers present received the blessing of his pure body, they put him in a marble sarcophagus next to the bodies of the saints. God revealed many signs and miracles from his body. {Coptic Synaxarium, p. 232}

This account is reiterated near verbatim by the Ethiopian Synaxarium {Budge, Book of the Saints, Vol. 2, p. 387─388} Which is itself based on the Jacobite-Arabic Synaxarium {Graffin & Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 3, pp. 468 & 474─475}.
Going solely by the account as given by the Coptic/Eithiopic Synaxarium, it seems that the Patriarch in question could only be the Eastern Orthodox Patriarch of Constantinople. The most likely situation explanation is that Luke, who was a soldier in the Byzantine army and fought the Bulgarians, who resided outside of the Imperial City, whose disciple asked the Patriarch of the same city to bury him with honours with the other saints, could only have done so if he was a Chalcedonian.

Luke of Steiris

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. 6 (1st of Meheki = 8th of February) [MS. B]

Ignatius of Constantinople

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 15, p. 365 (15th of Samhi = 24th of October) [MS. B]

Zosimus of Syracuse

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. 24 (5th of Meheki = 12th of February) [MSS. A + B]

The Transfer of the Body of Saint Lazarus to Constantinople under Emperor Leo VI

This event remembers the time in which Emperor Leo VI translated the relics of Saint Lazarus to Constantinople. What is interesting is that the emperor is praised as a Christian and pious emperor, despite him being a Chalcedonian.

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 15, p. 328 <by the order of the pious emperor Leo> (8th of Samhi = 17th of October) [MS. B]

Coptic: Coptic Synaxarium, p. 97 (21st of Baba) <one of the Christian emperors>

Eithiopian: Budge, Saints, Vol. 1, p. 177 (21st of Takemt = 18th of October) <Salutation to the emperor who translated the body of Lazarus from Cyprus>

Boris and Gleb

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 397─404 (28th of Ahekan = 5th of May) [MSS. A + B]

Thomas Becket

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 404─408 (28th of Ahekan = 5th of May) [MSS. A + B]

Emperor Constantine and Empress Irene

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, p. 537 <during the days of the pious emperor Constantine, and Irene> [MSS. A + B]

Emperor Manuel I Komnenos

Armenian: Graffin and Nau, eds., PO, Vol. 21, pp. 604─606 (16th of Margats = 22nd of June) [MS. B]

Bibliography

Allen, Pauline, ed. and tr., Sophronius of Jerusalem and Seventh-Century Heresy (Oxford: 2009)

Brock, Sebastian, 'Ephrem and the Persian Martyrs in the Armenian Synaxarion', in Federico Alpi et al., eds., Armenia through the Lens of Time (Leiden: 2022)

Budge, E. A. Wallis, The Book of the Saints of the Ethiopian Church,

Volume 1 (Cambridge: 1928)

Volume 2 (Cambridge: 1928)

Chase Jr., Frederic H., tr., Saint John of Damascus: Writings (Washington, D.C.: 1958)

Coptic Synaxarium: Lives of Saints (Oxford Publishing House: 2006) 

DelCogliano, Mark, ed., The Cambridge Edition of Early Christian Writings, Volume 4 (Cambridge: 2022)

Doran, Robert, tr., The Lives of Simeon Stylites (Kalamazoo, Michigan: 1992)

Graffin, R., & F. Nau, eds., Patrologia Orientalis,
 
Volume 3 (Paris: 1909)

 Volume 5 (Paris: 1910)  

Volume 15 (Paris: 1927) 

Volume 18 (Paris: 1924) 

Volume 19 (Paris: 1926)

Louth, Andrew, 'Christology in the East from the Council of Chalcedon to John Damascene', in Francesca Aran Murphy, The Oxford Handbook of Christology (Oxford: 2015)

Menze, Volker, "Introduction", in Volker Menze and Johannes Hahn, eds., The Wandering Holy Man (Oakland, California: 2010)

Moreschini, Claudio and Enrico Norelli, Early Christian Greek and Latin Literature: A Literary History, Volume 1, tr. by Matthew J. O'Connell (Peabody, Massachusetts: 2005)

Naaman, Abbot Paul, The Maronites: The Origins of an Antiochene Church (Collegeville, Minnesota: 2011)

Nicosia, Giorgia, 'In the Pipeline of a "Working Library": The Historiographical Excerpts of MS BL Add. 12,154', in Phillippe Blaudeau and Peter Van Nuffelen, eds., Documenting the Challenges of the Late Antique Miaphysite Church (Leiden: Brill, 2026) pp. 136─165.

Palmer, Andrew N., tr., The Life of the Syrian Saint Barsauma (Oakland, California: 2020)

Price, Richard, The Acts of the Second Council of Nicaea (787) (Liverpool: 2020)

Price, R. M., tr., Cyril of Scythopolis: Lives of the Monks of Palestine (Kalamazoo, Michigan: 1991)

Rajan, Cor-Episcopo K. Mani, Martyrs, Saints & Prelates of The Syriac Orthodox Church: One Volume (Puthencruz, Kerala: 2017)

Terian, Abraham, 'Peter, Paul, and Related Accounts in the Earliest Edition of the Armenian Synaxarion' in St. Nersess Theological Review, Volumes 5─6 (2000─2001) 

Torrey, Charles C., 'The Letters of Simeon the Stylite', in Journal of the Oriental American Society, 20 (1899), 253─276. Available online at: <https://www.tertullian.org/fathers/simeon_stylites_letters_01_trans.htm>

Saturday, August 23, 2025

The Saints of the Pentarchy: The Holy Popes of Rome according to the First Millennium

 The Holy Popes of Rome according to the First Millennium

This is the final post in this series cataloging the Patriarchs of the Pentarchy that were venerated in the First Millennium by the Chalcedonian Church. This final post examines the Popes of Rome that were venerated in the First Millennium. 

Calendars

The calendars that I have used for this compilation come from the Patriarchates of Rome & Constantinople.

Rome

The Martyrology of Usuard = Jacques Dubois, ed., Le Martyrologe d'Usuard: Texte et Commentaire (Brussels: Bollandist Society, 1965). Usuard was a monk who produced a Martyrology during the 9th century. Dubois used the 9th century MS. "Bibliotheque Nationale de Paris, Manuscript Latin 13745" which is available online in a scanned copy here.

The Martyrology of Notker = Jacques Paul Migne, ed., Patrologia Latina, Volume 131 (1853). Just like Usuard, Notker "The Stammerer" was a monk who produced a Martyrology around the year 900. A single MS. copy of the Martyrology survives (St. Gallen, Stiftsbibliothek, Cod. Sang. 456), written around 900─950, and which Migne included in his monumental Patrologia Latina. The MS. can be found online in a scanned copy here.

The Martyrology of Ado = A MS. (St. Gallen, Stifrsbibliothek, Cod. Sang. 454) from 880─890 that is available in an online scanned copy here.

The Martyrology of Jerome = Marijana Vukovic, The Cult of Saints. This Martryology traditionally ascribed to Jerome are some of the oldest martyrologies that we have. The MSS. that I have used in this list are the following:

MS. BNF (Bibliotheque Nationale de France, Latine 10837) which is a MS. written by a scribe named Laurentius in the years 703─710 and is available in a scanned copy here.

MS. Bern (Burgerbibliothek, Bongars 289) which is a MS. written ca. 800 ─ ca. 866.

MS. Weissenburg (Herzog August Bibliothek, Weissenburg 81) which is a MS. written in the second half of the 8th century and available online in a scanned copy here.

Constantinople

The Typicon of the Great Church = Juan Mateos, ed. and tr., Le Typicon de la Grande Église, Volume 1 (Rome: 1962). The Typicon shows the church calendar used in the Hagia Sophia at the middle of the tenth century. It relies on two manuscripts:

Codex H (Holy Cross Monastery Codex 40) is dated by Mateos to the years 950-970, with 950-959 being the more probable. Venance Grumel however dates the ms. to the end of the tenth century, and believes it to be an edited copy of an earlier work. [Venance Grumel, 'Le Typicon de la Grande Église d'apres le Manuscrit de Sainte-Croix: Datation et Origine', Analecta Bollandia, 85 (1967), 45-57] Regardless the ms. certainly seems to be from the tenth century. This manuscript covers the entire year, with only a few days at the end of August absent.

Codex P (Patmos Codex 266) is dated from the second half of the ninth century to the first half of the tenth. This manuscript covers the entire year. 

A Note on the Dating

The dates of the Patriarchs are taken from Venance Grumel, La Chronologie (Paris: 1958), pp. 430─433. Many of the early bishops are of indeterminable dates.

List of the Popes of Rome

Linus (?─?)

Usuard, p. 349 [MS. fol. 81v] (Nov. 26)

Anacletus (?─?)

Usuard, p. 219 [MS. fol. 30v] (Apr. 26)

Clement (?─?)

Usuard, p. 346 [MS. fol. 81r] (Nov. 23)
Pope Clement (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Clemens_Romanus.jpg)

Evaristus (?─?)

Cult of the Saints [MSS. BNF & Weissenburg] (Dec. 23)

Alexander I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 306 [MS. fol. 67r] (Sep. 21)

Sixtus [Xystus] I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 207 [MS. fol. 26r] (Apr. 6); Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1062D [MS. p. 88] (Jul. 8)

Telsephorus (?─?)

Usuard, p. 155 [MS. fol. 7v] (Jan. 5)

Hyginus (?─?)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1034D [MS. p. 14] (Jan. 11)

Pius I (?─?)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1119A [MS. pp. 263─264] (Jul. 12)

Anicietus (?─?)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1066A [MS. p. 98] (Apr. 16)

Soter (?─?)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1067D [MS. pp. 102─103] (Apr. 21)

Eleutherius (?─?)

Cult of the Saints [MSS. BNF & Weissenburg] (Dec. 23)

Victor I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 215 [MS. fol. 29r] (Apr. 20)

Zephyrinus (?─?)

Usuard, p. 290 [MS. fol. 60v] (Aug. 26)

Callistus [Callixtus] I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 321 [Ms. fol. 72v] (Oct. 14)

Urban I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 234 [MS. fol. 38r] (May 25)

Pontian (?─?)

Usuard, p. 344 [MS. fol. 80v] (Nov. 20)

Anterus (?─?)

Usuard, p. 154 [MS. fol. 7r] (Jan. 3)

Fabian (?─?)

Usuard, p. 164 [MS. fol. 10r] (Jan. 20)

Cornelius (?─?)

Usuard, p. 302 [MS. fol. 65v] (Sep. 14)

Lucius I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 189 [MS. fol. 20v] (Mar. 4)

Stephen I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 277 [MS. fol. 54v] (Aug. 2)

Sixtus [Xystus] II (?─?)

Usuard, p. 279 [MS. fol. 55v] (Aug. 6)

Dionysius (?─?)

Usuard, p. 148 [MS. fol. 5r] (Dec. 26)

Felix I (?─?)

Usuard, p. 237 [MS. fol. 39v] (May. 30)

Eutychian (?─?)

Usuard, p. 355 [MS. fol. 84v] (Dec. 8)

Caius [Gaius] (283─296)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, cols. 1068B [MS. p. 104] (Apr. 22) & 1114B [MS. p. 249] (Jul. 1)

Marcellinus (296─304)

Usuard, p. 219 [MS. fols. 30v─31r] (Apr. 26)

Marcellus I (308─309)

Usuard, pp. 161─162 [MS. fol. 9v] (Jan. 16)

Eusebius (309─310)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1156B [MS. p. 373─374] (Oct. 2)

Miltiades (311─314)

Cult of the Saints, [MSS. BNF & Weissenburg] (Jan. 10) & [MSS. BNF, Bern, & Weissenburg] (Jul 2)

Sylvester I (314─335)

Usuard, p. 151 [MS. fol. 6r] (Dec. 31)

Mark (336)

Usuard, p. 316 [MS. fol. 70v] (Oct. 7)
Pope Mark (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pope_Mark.jpg)

Julius I (337─352)

Usuard, p. 211 [MS. fol. 26r] (Apr. 12)

Liberius (352─366)

Le Typicon, p. 385 [Codices H & P] (Aug. 27)

Felix II [Anti-Pope] (355─365)

Usuard, p. 275 [MS. fol. 53v] (Jul. 29)

Damasus (366─384)

Usuard, p. 357 [MS. fol. 85r] (Dec. 11)
Pope Damasus (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pope_Damasus.jpg)

Siricius (384─399)

Martyrology of Jerome, MS BNF [Nov. 26 (VI Kal Dec)]

Anstasius I (399─401)

Usuard, p. 219 [MS. fol. 31r] (Apr. 27)

Innocent I (401─417)

Usuard, p. 192 [MS. fol. 21v] (Mar. 12)

Zosimus (417─418)

Ado MS. p. 55 (Dec. 26)

Boniface I (418─422)

Cult of the Saints, [MSS. BNF, Bern, & Weissenburg] (Sep. 4)

Celestine (422─432)

Le Typicon, p. 265 [Codices H & P] (Apr. 8)

Sixtus III (432─440)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1059C [MS. p. 79] (Mar. 28)

Leo (440─461)

Usuard, p. 210 [MS. fol. 27r] (Apr. 11)

Hilary (461─468)

Usuard, p. 301 [MS. fol. 64v] (Sep. 10)

Simplicius (468─483)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1051C [MS. p. 58] (Mar. 1)

Gelasius (492─496)

Ado MS. p. 312 (Nov. 19)

Hormisdas (514─523)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1132D [MS. p. 308] (Aug. 5)

John I (523─526)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1090C [MS. pp. 166─167] (May 28)

Agapitus I (535─536)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1068C [MS. pp. 103─104] (Apr. 22)

Silverius (536─537)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1106D [MS. p. 222] (Jun. 20)

Gregory I (590─604)

Usuard, p. 192 [MS. fol. 21v] (Mar. 12)

Theodore (642─649)

Le Typicon, p. 295 [May 18] (Codices H & P)

Martin (649─655)

Usuard, p. 339 [MS. fol. 78v] (Nov. 10)

Agatho (678-681)

Le Typicon, p. 237 [Codices H & P] (Feb. 20)
Pope Agatho (https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Pope_Agatho_(Menologion_of_Basil_II).jpg)

Leo II (682─683)

Ado, MS. p. 172 (Jul. 3)

Benedict II (684─685)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1080A [MS. pp. 136─137] (May 7)

Sergius (687─701)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1149C [MS. p. 356] (Sep. 9)

Gregory II (715─731)

Patrologia Latina, Vol. 131, col. 1045B [MS. pp. 41─42] (Feb. 12)

Gregory III (731─741)

Ado, MS. p. 324 (Nov. 28)